The literature on gender and corruption posit that women are perceived as less corrupt than men. Yet these studies are devoid of ethnicity. This is concerning as the scholarship on ethnic politics argues that diversity is associated with higher levels of corruption. The extant literature, however, tends to treat gender and ethnicity as mutually exclusive categories. Yet, we know that a political candidate can be both a woman and an ethnic minority. I apply an intersectionality framework and argue that voter perceptions of corruption towards female candidates is conditional on coethnicity. I test my argument by conducting a conjoint experiment in Malaysia and find that majority group respondents view female minority candidates as just as corrupt as a coethnic man. However, minority respondents view coethnic female candidates as less corrupt. Understanding the relationship between intersectionality and corruption is essential for political parties looking to address calls for greater representation of minorities without having to compromise on the strategic viability of candidates.
The literature on welfare chauvinism shows that ethnocentric bias reduces individual support for outgroup redistributive policies. To limit bias, scholarship suggests framing policies universally or focusing on beneficiary deservingness. However, policies intended to support disadvantaged groups and ensure equity cannot always be framed in universal terms. Moreover, individuals hold minoritized groups to a deservingness double…
Does indirect exposure to anti-LGBTQ+ violence perpetrated by civilians engender prosocial political attitudes toward LGBTQ+ people among the mass public?
Many Latinos may not identify with the racial categories because of the racial hierarchy and the treatment and status of Latinos in the United States, while may think of themselves in different terms.
Rising levels of affective polarization have drawn increased attention and concern amongst public opinion and political behavior scholars.
Is there ethnic favoritism in street-level bureaucracy? And do conflict legacies facilitate ethnic favoritism? Street-level bureaucracy is the primary state institution that allows for direct interactions between ordinary citizens and agents of the state. While evidence of ethnic favoritism in distributive politics is overwhelming, existing works primarily explain the state agents’ behavior in contexts where they…